On Thursday, Nancy Pelosi became the first person in 64 years to return to the position of speaker of the House of Representatives, completing the most startling comeback in American politics since Richard Nixon became president.

  Her return says a great deal about Ms. Pelosi and about our politics, but above all it is a triumph of nerve and ability. Republicans have tried for years to make Ms. Pelosi’s very name a curse. President Trump and members of his party have called her, among many other things, the promoter of a “socialist agenda” and the “unhinged face” of her party, while others have labeled her as both the “San Francisco Democrat” that she is, and a “machine” politician from Baltimore, where her father and an older brother both served as mayor.

  The strategy seemed to be working. Through most of last year’s midterm campaigns, many Democrats also warily avoided endorsing her, speaking instead of the need to embrace “a new generation of leadership” and replace a “toxic brand.” But when the vote for speaker was over last week, there was Ms. Pelosi with gavel in hand again, having lost only 15 votes from her caucus.

  How did this happen?

  Qualifying for Congress today has come to seem more and more like the college admission process, where you pile up incredible achievements that will rarely benefit you on campus. The speakership, by contrast, is a place for pluggers. It’s an odd post, rare in democratic politics, where one can serve simultaneously in opposition and the majority, leading your own party in the House while dealing with a president from the other side.

  There have been political stars in the office. Henry Clay put in the second longest time there. James G. Blaine, “the plumed knight” of post-Civil War Republicans, held the post for nearly six years. Neither of them made it to the position they coveted, in the White House — though the one former speaker who did become chief executive, James K. Polk, was the most successful one-term president in our history.

  Say what you will about his agenda — and a lot of people, then and now, had a lot to say — Polk was a model of efficiency and won the Mexican War, nearly doubled the size of the United States, lowered tariffs and instituted an independent Treasury system before refusing to run for re-election and quietly dying three months after leaving office. A very speaker-like performance, when you think of it.

  Ms. Pelosi, the only woman to be speaker, is also the first person to repeat in the office since Sam Rayburn, who served a record 17 years as speaker over three different stretches in the office, the last of which only ended with his death, in 1961. “Mr. Sam,” a moderate Texas Democrat, twice exchanged the speaker’s gavel with his Republican counterpart, Joe Martin, a moderate Massachusetts conservative. This was back in a more parliamentary era, when no one considered the vagaries of voters in a national election to be a reason to kick out a perfectly able congressional leader.

  Rayburn helped steer the country through World War II and much of the Cold War, served faithfully under Presidents Franklin Roosevelt, Harry Truman and Dwight Eisenhower; became a mentor to Lyndon Johnson; and insisted L.B.J. join the national ticket under John Kennedy. Rayburn also built up one of his successors, the diminutive Carl Albert from Oklahoma, who, after gaining the speakership, twice found himself first in the line of succession to the presidency during the Watergate scandals.

  On each occasion, Albert did all he could to put others in place before him, believing, as he said on becoming speaker, “I hope we will get together, and work for the country, and not work for the two political parties.”

  Such a sentiment, not to mention the idea of stepping away from power for the good of the country, seems so alien to our politics today that it might have come from a different age. In light of such service, talk of toxic brands and a new generation of leaders seems misplaced.

  Rayburn, Albert and Tip O’Neill — who negotiated a key bill with President Ronald Reagan to preserve funding for Social Security — formed the ideal of the modern speakership. They shaped policy, worked with presidents from either party, molded their successors and tried to move the wheel forward. They sought compromise but also tried to bring about what progress had to be made. Above all, they respected the institution they led, the most thoroughly democratic part of our national government.

  It was a model that worked very well — or at least it did until Newt Gingrich wrecked it, as he wrecked so much that he put his hand to. Mr. Gingrich’s rebellion was aimed at cozy, low-level corruption and complacency, which certainly existed in the old speaker system. But his brand of self-aggrandizing hyperpartisanship proved exactly wrong as a corrective. Unable to conquer or to compromise, he ended up fleeing the Capitol engulfed in investigations and hounded by allegations about his own personal conduct.

  Ms. Pelosi represents a restoration of that ideal, and she brings formidable talents and a legendary work ethic (back) to the job. In what was described as an “unbelievable marathon” to secure Obamacare, she personally took on the task of winning over 60 wavering Democrats. To win back the speakership this time, she swayed another 60 or so members of her caucus.

  “For Pelosi, the strategy in every campaign she runs is ‘owning the ground,’” writes her friend Steve Israel, a former congressman, which is “not just a matter of a campaign field operation,” but “extends to message as well.”

  Ms. Pelosi doesn’t hesitate to associate her own ambitions with the quest for women’s equality — “You know why I do it? I do it because I want women to see you do not get pushed around,” she told CNN’s Dana Bash — and some, including Representative Rosa DeLauro of Connecticut, have attributed Ms. Pelosi’s ability to whip a caucus to the mothering skills that come from having five children and eight grandchildren: “She has eyes in the back of her head.”

  At the same time, she regularly displays what have traditionally — wrongly — been considered male attributes in politics. She keeps her head when all about her are losing theirs and is adept at the deadpan gibe, usually delivered right between the ribs. When President Barack Obama and his chief of staff Rahm Emanuel seemed about to abandon the Affordable Care Act in despair, she mocked their proposed alternative as “incrementalism” and “Kiddie Care,” and told them: “We’ll never have a better majority in your presidency in numbers than we’ve got right now. We can make this work.” She proceeded to get it done, vote by vote, maneuver after maneuver.

  Republicans have already received a full barrage of what Ms. Pelosi can do. She quietly but directly called Mr. Trump out on his lying and “fearmongering” about immigration, labeled the government’s closing the “Trump shutdown” and mocked his planned border wall as a “beaded curtain” and “a manhood thing for him.”

  The day after Mr. Trump subjected us to a cabinet meeting that seemed like a lost outtake from Charlie Chaplin’s “Great Dictator,” Ms. Pelosi turned the opening of the new Congress into a jubilant festival, one that celebrated the youth and diversity of her party, complete with a table full of Bibles and a male representative rocking a baby. She took her oath of office surrounded by children — and followed it up by pushing through a series of bills that both parties had previously voted for, challenging Republicans to reopen the government and giving a speech that quoted Reagan.

  In her second stint as speaker, Ms. Pelosi goes into the job with a majority that is 21 seats smaller than what she enjoyed previously, and without a Democratic White House or a Senate majority to aid her. She has limited herself to four years in the job — part of the price of regaining it — and her remarkable energy notwithstanding, she will be nearing her mid-80s when she finishes it. She must navigate a much nastier Washington culture that is likely to turn even uglier as congressional investigations into the president begin, and the Mueller report is delivered.

  On the other side is Ms. Pelosi’s restive new Democratic majority, which demands a say in setting the agenda. This is not Mr. Sam’s House of Representatives. The brightest new Democratic star, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, joined a protest in Ms. Pelosi’s office before she even took her seat. When Carl Albert showed up for his first day at the House, he was given a pile of papers to deliver to an office by an older congressman who mistook him for a page. (Albert did as he was told.)

  Ms. Pelosi would never so disrespect a member, and it may well be that both her new majority and her old-school skills will serve her well. As Ronald Brownstein pointed out in The Atlantic, changing demographics have left her with far fewer conservative Democrats from blue-collar or rural districts — Democrats who hobbled Ms. Pelosi and such previous Democratic speakers as Tom Foley and Tip O’Neill. Her current majority may squabble over economics, but it is unlikely to fight over social issues like immigration, gay rights or abortion.

  The “San Francisco Democrat” and product of the “Baltimore machine” may be just the person to lead this new coalition. Asked on her first day back as speaker why she would not compromise on the border wall, Ms. Pelosi told the press, seemingly off the cuff: “A wall, in my view is an immorality,” before adding, “It’s the least effective way to protect the border and the most costly.”

  There was the old Democratic liberalism at its best, idealistic and pragmatic at the same time: The wall is wrong because it’s wrong, plus it won’t work. It’s worth noting that Ms. Ocasio-Cortez cast her first vote in Congress to return Nancy Pelosi to the speakership. Mr. Sam would be proud.

  Kevin Baker is a novelist and historian and the author, most recently, of “America the Ingenious.”

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  135期开奖结果香港【萧】【凌】【宸】【噎】【了】【一】【噎】,【倏】【然】【肃】【着】【脸】【道】:“【那】【还】【有】【四】【六】【级】、【计】【算】【机】、【普】【通】【话】、【教】【师】【资】【格】【注】【册】【会】【计】【师】【律】【师】【资】【格】【法】【律】【职】【业】【资】【格】……” 【萧】【父】【气】【得】【直】【拍】【扶】【手】:“【你】【这】【混】【小】【子】!【你】【逼】【彤】【彤】【考】【这】【么】【多】,【你】【要】【累】【着】【彤】【彤】【啊】?【彤】【彤】【别】【听】【他】【的】,【他】【懂】【个】【屁】。【你】【想】【考】【啥】【就】【考】【啥】,【萧】【家】【少】【奶】【奶】【的】【身】【份】【在】【呢】,【何】【苦】【你】【自】【己】【奋】【斗】……” 【白】【术】【在】【一】【旁】【匿】

“【不】,【南】【夏】【已】【经】【死】【了】【她】【是】【涂】【思】,【是】【完】【全】【不】【一】【样】【的】【人】!” 【南】【巽】【看】【了】【一】【眼】【站】【在】【一】【边】【还】【是】【一】【脸】【懵】【逼】【的】【涂】【思】,【然】【怒】【吼】【转】【头】【看】【向】【邢】【道】,【椅】【子】【一】【句】【的】【说】【道】。 “【呵】,【救】【你】【这】【样】【的】,【根】【本】【就】【不】【配】【当】【南】【夏】【的】【哥】【哥】!【你】【知】【不】【知】【道】,【站】【在】【你】【旁】【边】【的】,【就】【是】【害】【了】【南】【夏】【的】【罪】【魁】【祸】【首】!” 【邢】【道】【的】【表】【情】【已】【经】【没】【有】【刚】【开】【始】【的】【淡】【定】,【原】【本】【舍】【不】【得】【变】

【林】【远】【的】【耳】【朵】【红】【红】【的】,【低】【着】【头】【闷】【闷】【应】【了】【一】【声】,【想】【到】【方】【才】【黄】【亮】【亮】【那】【一】【瞬】【间】【错】【愕】【的】【神】【情】,【唇】【角】【又】【忍】【不】【住】【地】【上】【翘】,【他】【还】【要】【更】【努】【力】【才】【行】,【毕】【竟】【她】【身】【边】【优】【秀】【的】【男】【生】【太】【多】【了】。 【黄】【亮】【亮】【这】【边】,【总】【算】【是】【在】【十】【分】【钟】【后】【等】【来】【了】【满】【头】【大】【汗】【的】【田】【任】【之】,【他】【一】【边】【推】【着】【自】【行】【车】,【一】【边】【骂】【骂】【咧】【咧】,“【我】【今】【天】【也】【是】【够】【倒】【霉】【的】,【莫】【名】【其】【妙】【车】【胎】【破】【了】,【我】【还】【以】【为】

  【第】【两】【千】【四】【百】【二】【十】【三】【章】 【场】【内】【场】【外】,【万】【人】【震】【怖】,【所】【有】【人】【都】【不】【敢】【相】【信】【自】【己】【的】【眼】【睛】。 “【不】,【不】【可】【能】!” 【有】【人】【喉】【咙】【里】【发】【出】【了】**【之】【声】。 【看】【着】【天】【空】【中】【负】【手】【站】【立】【的】【黑】【发】【青】【年】,【不】【但】【一】【人】【之】【力】【挡】【住】【了】【月】【神】【岛】【的】【两】【大】【天】【骄】。 【而】【且】【还】【分】【神】,【一】【掌】【便】【将】【沧】【澜】【岛】【和】【五】【星】【岛】【的】【天】【骄】**【下】【去】。 【其】【中】【包】【括】【公】【羊】【野】【和】【赵】【天】【穹】【两】【大】135期开奖结果香港【接】【下】【来】【的】【研】【究】【让】【白】【烨】【有】【些】【头】【皮】【发】【麻】! 【他】【怎】【么】【也】【想】【不】【到】,【对】【方】【要】【做】【的】【事】【情】【绝】【不】【仅】【仅】【是】【一】【个】【公】【司】【那】【么】【简】【单】。 【等】【他】【的】【基】【因】【工】【程】【等】【级】【提】【升】【至】lv7【以】【后】,【他】【发】【现】【这】【个】【世】【界】【不】【一】【样】【了】。 【基】【因】【可】【能】【是】【人】【类】【最】【宝】【贵】【的】【财】【富】! 【多】【元】【化】【的】【基】【因】【不】【断】【地】【重】【组】,【不】【断】【地】【在】【创】【造】【各】【种】【各】【样】【的】【奇】【迹】。 【甚】【至】【人】【类】【的】【发】【展】【史】【不】【仅】【仅】【是】

  【第】141【章】:【再】【见】【维】【尔】【拉】! “【乱】【说】。【比】【情】【人】【更】【重】【要】。”【古】【松】【笑】【笑】。“【要】【不】【等】【拉】【古】【斯】【汗】【的】【分】【店】【开】【了】,【大】【家】【一】【起】【去】【那】【小】【岛】【旅】【游】?” “【大】【叔】!【你】【可】【不】【要】【说】【说】【哦】!【去】【海】【边】【可】【是】【我】【的】【理】【想】【之】【选】【哪】!”【雪】【儿】【开】【心】。 “【走】【吧】!【不】【会】【要】【大】【叔】【一】【个】【人】【出】【旅】【游】【费】【吧】。”【古】【松】【笑】【着】【走】【出】【房】【门】。 “【当】【然】【不】【用】!【我】【们】【也】【应】【该】【去】【玩】【玩】【了】

  【对】【于】【胡】【氏】【的】【所】【为】,【叶】【邵】【清】【其】【实】【是】【默】【许】【的】【态】【度】。 【义】【兄】【比】【自】【己】【要】【出】【色】【的】【多】,【这】【是】【他】【不】【得】【不】【承】【认】【的】【事】【情】,【阿】【弥】【转】【而】【喜】【欢】【上】【义】【兄】,【似】【乎】【也】【不】【是】【什】【么】【难】【以】【理】【解】【的】【事】【情】。 【可】【是】【他】【好】【恨】,【明】【明】【付】【出】【了】【那】【么】【多】,【甚】【至】【只】【要】【阿】【弥】【不】【情】【愿】,【他】【就】【可】【以】【忍】【耐】【着】【不】【碰】【她】……【继】【姐】【说】【得】【没】【错】,【他】【就】【是】【一】【只】【可】【怜】【虫】。 【而】【阿】【弥】【在】【这】【次】【事】【端】【中】【被】

  “【什】【么】【意】【思】?”【任】【明】【问】【道】。 【安】【慕】【希】【道】:“【出】【了】【这】【样】【的】【事】【情】,【他】【们】【大】【概】【会】【结】【伴】【同】【行】,【一】【起】【到】【中】【原】【关】【商】【议】【共】【同】【对】【付】【敬】【天】【神】【教】【的】【事】【情】【吧】。【中】【原】【关】【那】【里】【还】【聚】【集】【了】【不】【少】【人】。” 【方】【有】【盈】【点】【了】【点】【头】:“【不】【错】!【经】【此】【地】【火】【囚】【笼】【事】【件】,【想】【必】【天】【下】【对】【于】【敬】【天】【神】【教】【的】【认】【识】,【会】【加】【深】【许】【多】【吧】,【特】【别】【是】【对】【那】【些】【未】【曾】【受】【到】【神】【教】【侵】【害】【的】【国】【家】!”